Both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International point to oil development as one of the causes of the current human rights crisis in Sudan, but any mention of this in the mainstream U.S. press is extremely rare. This piece published in Newsday on Tuesday is no exception....
NO EASY IN-AND-OUT FOR U.S. IN SUDAN By James P. Pinkerton
Newsday July 6, 2004
Original source: Newsday
Everybody seems to agree that the United States should do something about
Sudan.
But is anybody thinking seriously about the cost to America? Or the chances
that we can succeed in truly helping?
The Sudanese crisis -- tens of thousands massacred, more than a million
displaced in just one province, Darfur -- has united the American establishment.
The New York Times editorializes for "strong action," while Rich Lowry
of National Review, invoking the memory of past genocides, declares, "If
'never again' is to mean anything, it must mean something now." Rep. Donald
Payne (D-N.J.), a past chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, has been
working the cable news circuit, pushing for U.S. intervention, and many Capitol
Hill Republicans want to help, too. Republican Sens. Mike DeWine of Ohio and
John McCain of Arizona wrote recently in the Washington Post, "The United
States must stand ready to do what it can to stop the massacres."
In truth, the situation in Sudan is a harmonic convergence for both the
neoconservative right and the traditional left. The Bush administration, stung
by accusations that it has been polarizingly "unilateralist" on Iraq, is looking
for an opportunity to show that it can work multilaterally with the United
Nations. Secretary General Kofi Annan recently made a high-profile trip to
Sudan, where he and Secretary of State Colin Powell agreed that attention must
be paid.
Meanwhile, Democrats, on the defensive over the perception that they aren't
"tough enough," see Sudan as their chance to show that they can support robust
American action around the world.
But before the United States rushes into its next rendezvous with faraway
destiny, we might note a few difficult realities. For starters, Sudan's 39
million people are spread over a million square miles, an area almost twice the
size of Alaska.
And here's how the CIA's World Fact Book describes Sudan's situation:
"Military regimes favoring Islamic-oriented governments have dominated national
politics since independence from the United Kingdom in 1956. Sudan has been
embroiled in a civil war for all but 10 years of this period (1972-82). The wars
are rooted in northern economic, political, and social domination of non-Muslim,
non-Arab southern Sudanese."
What does one say about a country that has been in a state of civil war for
38 of its 48 years of existence? These wars, in total, have caused the death of
perhaps 3 million people. Given this history, does American intervention have
the makings of an easy in-and-out, or might the problems take years -- or maybe
eternity -- to resolve?
To be sure, nobody in Washington is talking about a major commitment of
American resources. But Washingtonians never do, of course -- on the way in.
Almost all of Uncle Sam's commitments start out "minor," never "major."
Consider, for example, the Middle East. In the '40s, we began guaranteeing the
security of two small countries, Israel and Saudi Arabia. Today, we have de
facto responsibility -- and vulnerability -- in an area that stretches from
Egypt to Pakistan, including hundreds of millions of people, some of whom love
us, many of whom hate us.
And now we want to add the largest country in Africa? We went into nearby
Somalia with the best of intentions in 1992, although we had no clue, to be
sure, about the local language and culture. And we turned friends into foes,
ending up with "Black Hawk Down."
Perhaps we must help in Sudan. But if so, let's consider that a state that's
perpetually wracked by civil war might be in need of partition, not
peacekeeping. There was no historic Sudan; its borders were the counterintuitive
creation of long-ago British colonialists. But today, if Arabs and Africans
can't get along in the same country, perhaps they shouldn't be in the same
country.
But rather than a review of geopolitical first principles, all that's heard
in Washington today is, "Do something!" And that's never the beginning of a
promising policy, even if just about everyone is on board.
Email: pinkerto@ix.netcom.com |