Veteran commentator Jim Lobe writes: "The United States has failed to meaningfully change its policies on the treatment of prisoners, opening the door to repeats of abuses like those at Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison and making an independent probe into torture by the U.S. military essential, says a leading human rights group. In a 200-page report released Wednesday, London-based Amnesty International (AI) stressed that without such an investigation and the clear, unequivocal rejection of torture and ill-treatment by top U.S. officials, 'the conditions remain for further abuses to occur.'" ...
AMNESTY: NO CHANGE IN US TORTURE POLICY By Jim Lobe
Inter Press Service October 28, 2004
http://antiwar.com/lobe/
WASHINGTON -- The United States has failed to meaningfully change its
policies on the treatment of prisoners, opening the door to repeats of abuses
like those at Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison and making an independent probe into
torture by the U.S. military essential, says a leading human rights group. In a
200-page report released Wednesday, London-based Amnesty International (AI)
stressed that without such an investigation and the clear, unequivocal rejection
of torture and ill-treatment by top U.S. officials, "the conditions remain for
further abuses to occur."
Six months after CBS TV's 60 Minutes broadcast photos of U.S. soldiers
abusing Iraqi detainees at Abu Ghraib prison outside Baghdad, AI welcomed a
number of Pentagon-sponsored probes into the torture and other abuse there but
warned they alone are not sufficient.
"Many questions remain unanswered, responsible individuals are beyond the
scope of investigation, policies that facilitate torture remain in place, and
prisoners continue to be held in secret detention," said William Schulz,
executive director of the U.S. section of Amnesty (AIUSA).
"The failure to substantially change policy and practice after the scandal of
Abu Ghraib leaves the U.S. government completely lacking in credibility when it
asserts its opposition to torture," he added in a statement. The report also
calls on U.S. President George W. Bush to make public and rescind any measures
or directives authorized by him or any other official that could be interpreted
as authorizing "disappearances," torture, or other inhuman treatment.
It was released amid almost daily revelations about how decades-old U.S.
policies regarding the treatment of prisoners-of-war were either circumvented or
ignored by small groups of political appointees in the Bush administration, who
argued that those policies were obsolete in waging what one White House
memorandum called a "new kind of war."
Investigative articles appearing over the past three days in the New York
Times have described how top lawyers in the Pentagon, Vice President Dick
Cheney's office, the Justice Department and the White House kept Bush's own
national security adviser, the State Department and career military attorneys in
the dark about their plans for "military commissions" that deprived suspects in
the "war on terrorism" of basic rights under domestic and international law.
At the same time, the Washington Post reported that the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA), with the Pentagon's cooperation, had secretly
transferred dozens of non-Iraqi prisoners out of Iraq since the March 2003
invasion, under an opinion by political appointees in the Justice Department's
Office of Legal Counsel (OLC), in direct defiance of the 1949 Geneva Conventions
on the treatment of prisoners of war.
The revelations come on top of disclosures after the Abu Ghraib scandal last
April of legal memoranda prepared by political appointees that appeared to
justify the use of torture and ill-treatment against detainees, practices that
were explicitly prohibited by U.S. Armed Forces field manuals over the past
several decades.
All of these disclosures have contributed to calls by AI and other groups,
including Human Rights Watch (HRW) and Human Rights First, dating back to last
April and May, for a comprehensive independent probe of torture and abuses. In a
resolution passed last summer, the American Bar Association (ABA) also urged
such a move.
Until now, the Bush administration ignored these calls, arguing that the
Pentagon's own efforts to investigate and prosecute abuses were adequate for
dealing with the issue. Earlier this month, for example, the U.S. Army's
Criminal Investigation Division recommended that 28 soldiers be charged in
connection with the beating deaths of two prisoners at a detention facility in
Afghanistan in December 2002, while some seven military police are being
prosecuted or have plead guilty to charges arising from the Abu Ghraib abuses.
Last Thursday one Army reservist, the highest-ranking soldier charged after
the Abu Ghraib scandal exploded in the international media, was sentenced to
eight years in prison for abuse.
Amnesty's new report, "Human Dignity Denied: Torture and Accountability in
the 'War on Terror,'" documents what it calls a pattern of human rights
violations running from Afghanistan to Abu Ghraib via Guantanamo Bay, Cuba
(where prisoners in the "war on terror" were taken to a specially-constructed
detention facility that the Bush administration maintained was outside the
jurisdiction of U.S. law) and "secret" overseas detention facilities about which
the administration has said virtually nothing. The report stressed that no
senior U.S. officials has yet been held accountable.
Noting the administration's claims that prosecuting the "war on terror" after
the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York and the Pentagon required "new
thinking," the report finds the administration's ideas about how to fight the
war fit a "historically familiar pattern of violating human rights in the name
of national security."
It argues that decisions linked to torture start at the very top. Secretary
of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, for example, explicitly authorized a number of
abuses – including stripping, isolation, hooding, stress positions, sensory
deprivation, the use of dogs in interrogations and secret detentions, which
amount to serious human rights violations and, in some cases, torture.
"The denial of habeas corpus, the use of incommunicado and secret detention –
in some cases amounting to 'disappearance' – and the sanctioning of harsh
interrogation techniques are classic but flawed responses," Amnesty said.
"By lowering safeguards, demonizing detainees, and displaying a disregard for
its international legal obligations, the administration at best sowed confusion
among interrogators and at worst gave the green light to torture and other
cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment."
It said the sheer number of abuses in Afghanistan and Iraq that have come to
light through media leaks or official Pentagon investigations has "punctured the
administration's assertions that torture and ill-treatment were restricted to
Abu Ghraib and a few aberrant soldiers."
An independent commission of credible experts should be formed, and call on
the advice of international groups and agencies that specialize in such
investigations, including the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture, the
report recommends.
It should be empowered to investigate all levels and agencies of the U.S.
government, including the CIA, whose operations –- including secret transfers of
detainees to other countries –- have so far largely escaped scrutiny. Any
commission should also include within its scope recommendations for preventing
future torture and ill treatment of detainees in U.S. custody, beginning with a
clear requirement that the highest administration officials must make clear
their absolute and unequivocal opposition to torture and abuse under any
circumstances.
Such a move is indispensable in light of the memoranda prepared by the
administration to justify abuses. "What these documents show is a two-faced
strategy to torture," according to AI. "It has been a case of proclaim your
opposition to torture in public, while in private discuss how your president can
order torture and how government agents can escape criminal liability for
torture."
(Inter Press Service) |