UNITED FOR
PEACE OF PIERCE COUNTY
"We
nonviolently oppose the reliance on unilateral military actions rather than
cooperative diplomacy."
On War and the
Corruption of Language
July 8,
2004
At Abu Ghraib, people were tortured.
Dictionaries define torture as "the inflicting of severe pain to force
information or confession, get revenge, etc." This is what happened at Abu
Ghraib. Yet Abu Ghraib is coming to be known more as an "abuse scandal" than a
"torture scandal."
Since Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld said several weeks ago that those who insist on using the word
"torture" are endangering American troops, the term "torture" is not being used
as a descriptive term in the mainstream press.
In fact, the word "torture" seems to
have been banished altogether from government web sites in this context. On a
Google search of the Internet's U.S. government domain (.gov), "Abu Ghraib abuse
scandal" yields 4 responses; "Abu Ghraib torture scandal" yields none. On the
Internet's U.S. military domain (.mil), "Abu Ghraib abuse scandal" yields 4
responses, "Abu Ghraib torture scandal" yields none. In general usage, too,
"abuse" is prevailing over "torture." A Google search for Abu+Ghraib+abuse
yields 206,000 responses; Abu+Ghraib+torture yields 184,000.
In a word, the language is being
corrupted.
This is nothing new. The corruption
of language is one of the results of the pursuit of unjust national aims through
war.
Historians have demonstrated many
times that when a nation does what is wrong, it corrupts its own language. It's
part of the pathology of war, first described by the Greek historian Thucydides
more than 2,400 years ago in his History of the Peloponnesian War, when
telling the story of the Corcyraean Revolution, which, like the Iraq war, had to
do with a great power (Athens) meddling in the politics of another country.
"Good deeds can be shortly stated, but where wrong is done a wealth of language
is needed to veil its deformity," Thucydides wrote. The way we describe what
happens can be corrupted by the happening itself -- a process that has
intensified with the development of technologies of mass communication, and a
class of professionals to manipulate them.
When governments embark on policies
that violate elementary moral principles -- when they engage in aggression, for
example, or when they set out to steal what rightfully belongs to others, or
when they systematically abuse a class of persons -- they are led to corrupt
language itself.
Those in power are unable to accept
that their deeds be described accurately. Instead, they insist on descriptive
terms that justify their actions, while finding the means to suppress, censure,
or marginalize true descriptions. Some of the people who do this are
self-deceived. Some of them are scoundrels. The self-deceivers and scoundrels
have different motives, but they have a common interest in finding ways to deal
with those who use language accurately.
Two examples: On July 6, the
Daily Mirror (London) reported that the British Foreign Office is trying
to prevent a court from allowing antiwar protesters in the United Kingdom from
presenting in their defense an argument that the Iraq war was illegal, on the
grounds that allowing such a claim would place British troops in Iraq at greater
risk, jeopardize the U.K.'s standing among Arab countries, and increase
vulnerability to terrorism. And in the United States, the preliminary memos that
government lawyers wrote in 2002 and 2003, attempting to redefine "torture" in
anticipation of being charged with it, have become a notorious part of the Abu
Ghraib scandal.
Citizens of a democratic nation
should resist the efforts of those who want to change the meaning of words to
comfort those who have committed illegitimate acts. The leaders who send troops
to fight an unjust war, or who dictate the policy of violating the Geneva
Conventions, are responsible for putting soldiers' lives at risk, jeopardizing
the standing of the nation, and increasing the risks of terrorism -- not the
journalists and observers who describe what they do.
On CNN on May 16, Len Downie of the
Washington Post rebutted the idea that the press should muzzle itself as
part of the war effort: "What makes this country different and what we're
supposed to be fighting for in Iraq, is a system in which there's accountability
of our elected representatives and the people who work for them to everybody
else. And the most important part of that accountability is for the media to
inform citizens about what their troops are doing and what their leaders are
doing, and then have the citizens judge whether or not that's the right course
to take."
Accurate information,
accountability, and the ideal of democracy require that we resist the inevitable
pressures to alter the meaning of words. A war prosecuted on account of false
suppositions is an unjust war. Asserting what one knows to be false is lying.
And intentionally causing severe pain to prisoners is torture.
We can resist the distortion of
language. It's a hopeful sign that on the Internet's educational domain (.edu)
-- devoted to those who are professionally committed to accuracy in language --
a Google search for the phrase "Abu Ghraib abuse scandal" yields only 2
responses, while "Abu Ghraib torture scandal" yields 14 responses.
UNITED FOR
PEACE OF PIERCE COUNTY
"We
nonviolently oppose the reliance on unilateral military actions rather than
cooperative diplomacy."